By Crispin Black
How may well a second of triumph in regards to the Olympic Bid become a disaster? those negative occasions keep on with at the carrying on with revelations that the intelligence experiences that have been the government's foundation for the invasion of Iraq have been deeply fallacious and the new admission by means of the Ministry of Defence that it did not foresee the dimensions and ferocity of the Iraq insurgency. whatever is especially mistaken in how Britain collects and analyses intelligence. In "7-7: What Went Wrong?", Crispin Black exhibits that primary flaws in our present method of calibrating and knowing the terrorist probability -- an unwillingness for example to tackle board the consequences of our overseas coverage on loyalty at domestic and a usually slack method of border safety have produced a poisonous hazard to nationwide defense. Taken all jointly there's the uncomfortable suspicion that rather than accumulating intelligence, their objective is to delight their masters. In his compelling and authoritative research, Black indicates the...
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Throughout our analysis of the intelligence events of 7 July two factors reappear. The first factor is bureaucratic friction—was all the proper information passed on in a timely fashion (and why is specific intelligence given such importance)? Other friendly nations—France and Saudi Arabia had assessments which suggested strongly that there would be an attack on the UK at the time. The Saudi assessment—which may have been based on specific intelligence—was certainly passed on to us. But we do not know what happened to it.
Many of those in charge of our security had been preaching the inevitability of an attack for months, and yet when it came they appear to have been taken by surprise. The best way to prevent the recurrence of terrorism in our major cities is to carry out a hard-headed review of how the relevant government agencies performed in the run up to the attacks—not in private (impossible in any case because of the range of issues involved), but a vigorous public debate. Terrorists are ruthless and we must be ruthless in examining our national performance if we are to make it harder for them to strike.
I played the part of the cabinet office intelligence briefer, a task I had performed for real from 1999–2002. We were organised as COBRA, the government’s most senior crisis management committee. The atmospheric acronym (much loved by the producers of ‘Spooks’ and other spy-related dramas) stands for Cabinet Office Briefing Room A, the ultra-high tech underground command and communications centre beneath the Cabinet Office—shown off to President Putin on his recent visit to Downing Street. It is where our national response to an emergency or crisis is co-ordinated.
77 by Crispin Black